Using the article attached answer each question separately.
1. What were your thoughts about Lisa’s descriptions of Policy Sociology? How do you think Lise’s arguments provide additional information to the Banton (2016) and Shafiullah (1998) articles?
2.Neither of the recommendations Lize made while working for OPPAGA were accepted by the legislatures and acted upon. However, he does believe his work at Free the Slaves had a positive effect. To what degree do you think Policy Sociologists are truly affecting change and informing policy decisions? Are there factors which could make them more effective?
3. Lise characterized his work with the government agency as quantitative and that done for the NGO as qualitative? Why do you think that was? Is the self-defined purpose of the agency tied to the type of research methods the agency may prefer?
4. Do you feel that Lise adequately explores the way client-driven sociology can interfere with the research process and add bias to the results?
5.Lise states that policy sociologists need interpersonal and communication skills that are not specifically taught in sociology programs? Do you think they should be? Should more emphasis be placed on insuring that students recognize the benefits of internships or volunteer work? Are their other skills you think Policy Sociologists need?
6. In conclusion, what struck you as must important in Lise’s discussion? What takeaway point were you left with?
Mobilizing Evidence: Reflections on Policy Sociology
Steven E. Lize1
Published online: 6 June 2015
# Springer Science+ Business Media New York 2015
Abstract This reflection offers considerations of a career in policy sociology. The
author reflects on the role of the policy sociologist and the research produced for policy.
Three examples of sociological practice focus on the sociologist as offering actionable
evidence for nongovernmental organizations, as evaluator of prison and substance
abuse treatment programs, and as watchdog for government accountability. Thoughts
are offered on training for a career in policy sociology, as well as caution to remain
reflexive and critically aware of bias sources.
Keywords Applied sociology. Evaluation research . Public sociology. Social policy
As president of the American Sociological Association in 2004, Michael Burawoy
argued for public sociology (Burawoy 2005). In doing so, Burawoy described Bpolicy
sociology^ as a client-led applied sociology. It is professional sociology applied to
problems or policy issues raised by organizations, agencies, or corporations. Burawoy
declared policy sociology distinct from pure professional sociology, which is fundamentally academic sociology (Burawoy 2005). Working with Burawoy’s typology, I
use the term policy sociology to communicate a form of applied sociology that is the
scientific study of social life with the aim of informing policy decisions and improving
practices directed at social change. It is a career option for persons like me who are
committed to social change efforts, perhaps more so than to the discipline.
Debating the merits of public sociology, Mathieu Deflem (2013) described the
cotemporary social organization of social research and sociology as Bmarketized.^
Deflem means that the shape of the discipline and its course of research priorities
follows increasingly the logic of the market. The field of sociology and the career
opportunities for sociologists are developing through the logic of contemporary capitalism. This capitalist rationality drives the production of knowledge and its application
toward marketable applications for utilitarian aims. Sociologists seek funding according
Am Soc (2015) 46:511–517
DOI 10.1007/s12108-015-9274-9
* Steven E. Lize
[email protected]
1 College of Social Work, University of South Carolina, 902 Sumter St, Columbia, SC 29208, USA
to stricter competition, largely from federal sources and their requirements, and less
from open-ended public and philanthropic contributions. Deflem (2013) also raises
alarm about the shift he perceives in sociology departments producing sociologists with
a diminished capacity to produce scholarship. Add to that the gap between available
academic posts and the numbers of professional sociologists (Spalter-Roth and
Kisielewski 2013) and graduates from sociology programs face a difficult employment
field. Non-academic positions may increasingly become attractive career options.
In this article I will not argue with Burawoy or Deflem for I believe both make
worthy points. I believe there is a place for both kinds of sociology—the academic and
the public. This journal issue explores the experiences and contributions of applied
sociologists. Here I reflect on my own experience of what I consider to be policy
sociology. As I mentioned, Burawoy (2005) discussed the historical place of sociologists applying their profession to social change movements and policy reform efforts.
My professional experience has been in the latter, though at the personal level I have
also been involved in the former.
In the following sections I reflect on three ways through which I have worked as a
sociologist in policy settings. The first was as a researcher with a nongovernmental
organization (NGO) with a mission to end modern forms of slavery by policy change
and grassroots development. The second and third were in government as an analyst
with a non-partisan evaluation office of a state legislature. In each example I describe
my role and research, then consider the ways in which I applied sociology to policy
issues. Following these examples I conclude with cautions for policy sociologists.
Actionable Evidence
The sociologist in a policy setting produces Bactionable evidence.^ This is evidence for
informing policy and program decisions that is Bdeemed both adequate and appropriate
for guiding actions in targeted real-world contexts^ (Julnes and Rog 2007 in Julnes and
Rog 2009: 96). It is research that promotes the better of alternative arguments by
advancing facts and findings from scientifically-based research.
My first position out of graduate school was as a research associate with the NGO Free
the Slaves based in Washington, DC. Free the Slaves is among the international
development NGOs that studies the socio-economic problems that it seeks to eradicate.
Accordingly, Free the Slaves produces knowledge based in social science research
methods as a part of its work. In this way, Free the Slaves seeks to build a reputation as
a credible contributor to the expanding body of knowledge on human trafficking.
Free the Slaves was just a couple years old when I came on to work with the cofounder Kevin Bales to study patterns of human trafficking in the U.S. and the
responses to it by law enforcement agencies and social service agencies (Bales and
Lize 2005). We used a multiple case study method (Yin 1994) involving in-depth, semistructured interviews, content analysis of court records and media reports, and even
participant observation at one site through collaboration with a community-based
organization of migrant agricultural laborers. We gathered data on location in Chicago;
Immokalee, Florida; Las Cruces, New Mexico; New York City; and Washington, DC.
The goals were to expand knowledge and understanding of contemporary slavery in the
U.S. as a social problem for the purpose of proposing policy change and programmatic
512 Am Soc (2015) 46:511–517
actions directed at intervention. Near the end of our study of human trafficking in the
U.S., Free the Slaves earned funding from the U.S. Department of State to study child
trafficking in Northern India. The study was to be applied to generating recommendations for supporting community-based organizations located in India that assisted
trafficking victims or engaged in developing community capacities to reduce child
trafficking (Free the Slaves 2005). Free the Slaves published its reports to effect a
timely impact on policy proposals that were then active in Congress, state legislatures,
and federal agencies. Our manuscripts and published reports with Free the Slaves
included recommendations for policies and practices aimed at altering the social
structures that engender modern forms of slavery as well as the organizational actions
taken by law enforcement agencies and community responders to victims (see Free the
Slaves and Human Rights Center 2004; and Free the Slaves 2005).
My example with Free the Slaves shows that a policy sociologist shares the role of
advocate using her research to influence change in the social phenomena studied. My
next two examples are from my work within government. In that context, the advocacy
role may shift to one of advising. Promoting the application of research, however,
remains a mutual goal.
Evaluator
The policy sociologist may work in government, where she can influence policy from
inside the system. The influence is likely to be indirect as the sociologist serves as the
messenger of credible information that can be used to support or critique policy
decisions. Perhaps rarer, the government policy sociologist may be actively involved
with advocacy using the knowledge from her own research or that of others.
I had the experience of being a sociologist working for a government agency
conducting evaluation studies. I worked in the Florida Legislature’s Office of Program
Policy Analysis and Government Accountability (OPPAGA). This legislative office is
the state-level parallel to the Congressional Government Accountability Office. Its
mission is to provide data, evaluative research, and objective analyses to assist legislative budget and policy deliberations (OPPAGA 2015).
I was not the lone sociologist, either. At the time, two other colleagues held doctorates
in sociology. The office sought sociologists for methodological training as well as
expertise in public policy issues such as childhood socialization, crime, delinquency,
families, health, labor, organizations, and political process. 1 I and my sociologist
colleagues conducted evaluations of state laws, rules, programs, and systems largely
related to education, social services, public safety, and government operations.
To illustrate, I reflect on an impact evaluation of prison education and substance
abuse treatment programs I conducted while with OPPAGA. The effectiveness of
prison education and substance abuse treatment programs has been established
(MacKenzie 2006). Yet, a program’s actual impact depends on implementation, which
1 It is perhaps a rare instance where the law specified the hiring of professionals with a degree in sociology.
Until 2012, Section 11.511 (3) (a) of Florida Statutes charged the OPPAGA director with employing staff
Bfrom a range of disciplines that includes law, engineering, public administration, environmental science,
policy analysis, economics, sociology, and philosophy^ (emphasis added).
Am Soc (2015) 46:511–517 513
is influenced by context and the characteristics of program participants (Gendreau,
Goggin, and Smith 1999). Within the specific context of Florida’s prison system,
implementation had been problematic due to very low completion rates of participants.
It was not that participants were failing; they frequently left the class early (OPPAGA
2007). I looked at inmate classification systems and program completion rates as an
underlying generative mechanism related to the success of these programs in keeping
inmates from returning to crime after their release from prison (OPPAGA 2007). I
found that recidivism rates differed by program completion; the participants who
completed had a significantly lower recidivism rate, when controlling for individual
differences among the participants (OPPAGA 2007). Exploring further, I found that the
majority of participants who did not complete education programs were removed from
programs due to administrative decisions, thereby preventing them from completing.
Further, the majority of inmates had less than ninth grade education, but there were not
enough program slots in basic and general education general equivalency degree
(GED) to accommodate all those in need of advancing their education (OPPAGA
2007). Given the findings, I recommended to the Florida Legislature that the Department of Corrections provide the legislature options for increasing levels of participation
in educational and substance abuse treatment programs and to monitor interruption of
program participation to inform administrative decisions and increase program
completion.
The research methods used in evaluation studies are not unique to sociology. Most
methods are standard among other related disciplines, such as psychology, education,
social work, and political science. However, the perspective brought by sociology
brings scrutiny to context, structures and systems in which processes and outcomes
are embedded or enmeshed. The analytical lens can focus on power relations through,
for example, official administrative systems and consequences of political decisions.
Watchdog
Within or outside of governments or corporations, a policy sociologist may also act to
expose injustices, contradictions, and abuses that may lead to policy change. While
public interest groups and journalists often engage in watchdog actions, sociologists’
training involves critical thinking and questioning along with theoretical insights that
enable scrutiny and detection of corruption, malfeasance, and serious misconduct. Even
after authorities mete out consequences (or none) sociologists also can continue to
monitor and investigate to hold organizations or individuals accountable. Reporting
case studies might promote understanding of why and how such problems occur.
The final example from my own experience is also from my employment with
OPPAGA. My assignment was to review Bperformance^ by the agency that administers
the prison industry program which provides vocational and life skills training to state
prison inmates through on-the-job training. I applied my sociological tools to critically
explore and interrogate contradictions and inconsistencies in the discourses presented
from the data and Bfacts^ presented by official reports and other accounts.
Most states authorize prison-based manufacturing using inmate labor. These government enterprises have specific legal mandates to manufacture goods for sale to state
and local government agencies while providing on-the-job training and life skills
514 Am Soc (2015) 46:511–517
education. In Florida, the agency is called Prison Rehabilitative Industries and Diversified Enterprises (PRIDE). In 2002 the agency’s board of directors created subsidiary
for-profit corporations, on whose boards the PRIDE board members also sat (OPPAGA
2006). The PRIDE board members had made over $10 million in loans to these
subsidiary corporations without requiring terms of repayment. The agency ignored
state inspectors’ recommendations to formalize these loans and, subsequently, the
PRIDE board had agreed to invest an additional $9 million in their subsidiaries. By
2005, most of the subsidiary ventures failed and transferred ownership directly to PRID
E, resulting in PRIDE losing over $19.2 million (OPPAGA 2006). The relationships
between the subsidiaries and the nature of financial loss paralleled those of Enron and
World-Com. This loss severely reduced the agency’s capacity to provide vocational
training and pre-release services designed to assist inmates to transition back to their
communities and get jobs, thereby improving chances of avoiding criminal recidivism.
In 2006 I investigated the aftermath to determine if further loss would occur or could
be avoided. My evaluation involved analysis of mixed data sources, including official
documents, court records, interviews of management and law enforcement officials,
and legal resources. I found that PRIDE had eliminated the subsidiaries, written
procedures for new business expansions of $100,000 or more, set up a banking
covenant to preclude PRIDE from investing in external businesses, removed the
CEO from the board, and hired an internal auditor to report directly to the board
(OPPAGA 2006). These were all positive steps toward transparency. Yet, after studying
the context and content of U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission corporate
financial reporting rules and standards resulting from the Enron and World-Com
scandals, I concluded that government needs to turn voluntary standards into mandatory law, which must, in turn, be monitored independently and/or by the state, if
governments want to keep corporations from ripping off the public. Consequently,
my report to the Florida Legislature recommended statutory revision to require PRIDE
to report annually on internal controls and undergo annual financial audit by the
Auditor General (OPPAGA 2006). In addition to submitting a formal report, I gave
testimony to legislative committees and wrote bill language for legislators who wanted
to sponsor legislation. Despite these efforts, the legislation did not pass—an outcome
that may be familiar to many social change advocates.
Reflection and Caution
I hope my personal reflection shows that a fulfilling career in sociology outside of
academia is possible. Through my career I have found ways to be a sociologist and
apply sociology to affecting policy. My graduate training in research methods seems to
be the strongest asset. Aiming for work on international development issues, I chose to
concentrate on qualitative methods that required me to conduct interviews and participatory observation in developing countries. This proved to be a primary asset in
working with an internationally-focused NGO. Also, advanced training in quantitative
methods seems to have expanded my opportunities to work for government policy in
the U.S. Yet, having the intellectual tools of sociological theory and concepts helps me
to probe critically and present perspectives that can challenge conventional thinking. I
doubt that training in social science research methods alone would have allowed me to
Am Soc (2015) 46:511–517 515
advance my career as I have done. The sociological perspective illuminates dynamics
of power, culture, symbolic meaning, gender, race, class, sexuality, dis/ability, and the
influence of durable and systematic relations between individuals and groups of
persons. We might lose sight of these dynamics when sociologists are not in applied
social research.
Practicing policy sociology demands professional skills beyond those obtained from
graduate training in sociology. Advocacy skills are beneficial: communication
(reporting of findings for instrumental purposes and for lay audiences), building
relationships with policy leaders (in government and corporations) and nongovernmental organizations, and strategic planning for thinking through how to apply the knowledge generated from sociological study. These are often not skills taught in sociology
graduate programs and students may need to find opportunities to learn from internships and volunteer service.
I have had a fulfilling career in policy sociology as I am committed to working in
organizations with a mission to inform or influence policy through social science
research. Reflecting critically on my experience as policy sociologist, I recognize that
some independence may be lost by serving Bclients,^ especially government officials.
The client-service relationship imposes pressure to communicate discoveries and
recommendations useful to the specific patrons. Further, working for an advocacy
group, NGO, or government agency may require subordinating personal authorship
to that of the organization. A policy sociologist needs to be aware of organizational
motives that might bias the scientific work just as she would do for personal motives.
One must maintain reflexivity and press supervisors and even negotiate with clients to
present a story of the Btruth^ that minimizes distortion. Slanted or poorly conducted
research dilutes the quality of information for making policy. It further weakens the
credibility of sociology as a scientific discipline.
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